In the Myanmar coup, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi neither ends up as a democracy hero nor does a military foil

Over the years Myanmar was killed by a military junta, people would tear down secret photos of Dawood Aung San Suu Kyi, the talisman of the heroine of democracy who would save her country from a nomadic army, even though she was under house arrest.

But 2015 and again last year due to a landslide, she and her party won historic elections and strengthened their civilian government within Myanmar – something different to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi by the outside world. A fallen saint Who was it Faustian compromised With the generals and no longer entitled to his Nobel Peace Prize.

Finally, 75-year-old Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi could not protect her people nor could she calm the generals. on Monday, Army, Who ruled the country for nearly five decades, Seized power again in a coup, Reducing the rule of its National League for Democracy after just five years.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was detained Raided in a dawn, Its top ministers and pro-democracy figures have lost sleep. Critics of the army continued till Monday night and the nation’s telecommunications network faced frequent disruptions.

Across the country, government hoardings still carry forward the peacock of his image and his party’s battles. But the army chief, led by General Sr. General Min Aung Hlaing, was back in charge.

The disappearance of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who represented two different audiences, two different audiences, domestic and foreign, proved her inability to do what many expected: one with the military Creating political equipment with which he shared power.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had lost the ear of the army, allowing her to withdraw the conversation with General Aung Hling. And defending the generals in the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims, they lost the confidence of an international community that had championed them for decades.

“Aung San Suu Kyi reprimanded international critics, saying that she is not a human rights activist, but a politician. But the sad part is that he’s not very good either, “said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director of Human Rights Watch.” He failed a great moral test by covering up military atrocities against the Rohingya. But extortion with the military. Never been successful, and its landslide electoral victory is no less than a coup. “

President Biden, in the first trial of his response to the coup with the intention of advancing the democratic election, issued a strongly worded statement that seems to be designed to disassociate itself from its predecessor’s path to deal with human rights issues had gone.

“In a democracy, force should never attempt to subvert the will of the people or to erase the outcome of a credible election,” he said, using language similar to what he said after the January 6 siege on American public opinion should do. To reverse his own election. He called on the nations to “come together in one voice” to immediately give relief to Myanmar’s army.

He said, “America is taking care of those who stand with the people of Burma in this difficult time.”

The speed with which Myanmar’s democratic era was unpublished was staggering, even for a country that had suffered nearly half a century of direct military rule and had carried on with rumors of a coup for days.

In November, his National League for Democracy Drunken army’s proxy party, As many voters once again chose Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s political force to include the best – and only weapons – generals. In the past five years, his military residence was viewed by some as political jujitsu rather than appeasement.

The military, which retained significant power in a “discipline-flourishing democracy”, complained of large-scale voter fraud. On January 28, representatives of General Min Aung Hling sent a letter to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, ordering another delay and delay in the opening of the Parliament.

The army’s seizure of full power on Monday coincided with the declaration of a year of emergency, with Myanmar providing the world with a liberal, but flawed, illusion of democracy on the ascendant.

“He is the only person who can stand for the military,” said 73-year-old retired teacher Yu Aung Kyaw. “We all must have voted her forever, but today is the saddest day of my life because she is gone again.”

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi cultivated close ties with top military brass from the beginning and her National League for Democracy was formed in alliance with senior military officers. After emerging from a house arrest in 2010, she often dined with a former member who had locked her up.

His supporters said that Buddhism had more co-existence than equality or political strategy. The daughter of the founder of the modern Myanmar army, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, has publicly stated that she has a great love for the military.

As the military escalated the 2017 attack on Rohingya Muslims, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi displayed a similarity of sentiment with the generals who went beyond mere political utility.

UN investigators say Slaughter and burning villages, due to which three-fourths of the Muslim minority fled to neighboring Bangladesh, they were Massacre carried out. But in 2019 in the International Court of Justice, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, acting as Myanmar’s foreign minister and state counselor, dismissed the violence as an “internal conflict” in which the military may have used some disgruntled force. Can.

His tone towards the Rohingya seemed almost hopeless, and he followed the military leadership, not to mention his name, not that it gave humanity his identity.

Matthew Smith, founder of Forties Rights, a human rights group, said, “Some people feel she will fail unsuccessfully for the military, that she defended the massacres for the political side and still loses.” “Aung San Suu Kyi did not defend the military in court to meet the balance of power. He defended the military, as well as his own role in the atrocities. That was part of the problem. “

Even as Ms. Aung was pretending to be the military for her decades of persecution of San Suu Kyi, her relations with General Min Aung Hlaing were horrifying, according to her advisors and retired military officials. His deep popularity with Myanmar’s Buddhist majority was seen as a threat by the generals, he says, and he hasn’t spoken to the army chief in at least a year – a dangerous silence in a country where politics is deeply rooted Is personal.

The general example holds that General Min Aung Hling, whose family and acumen is projected to remain in power since his decade, should have stepped down as army chief in 2016. He extended his tenure and finally vowed to end this summer.

Military and political analysts said that little dialogue between Commander in Chief and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi made it difficult to assure their exit. Through his proximity, General Min Aung Hling discovered that his political ambitions may also be. Some even put their name for the president, a position that constitutionally prohibits Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi from holding her.

With the final authority in his hands for at least a year, after the coup on Monday, the army chief has returned to full relevance, no matter how many voters chose Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. By Monday evening, the military had announced the outline of a new cabinet, with military officers both active and retired.

The shameless withdrawal of the military is a reminder that for all the misbehavior committed by Myanmar by the shutdown of generals during their decades in power – the systematic persecution of ethnic minorities, the massacre of pro-democracy protesters, the disintegration of the once promising economy – a single Not high-ranking military officers have been fully held to account in the courts.

UN Ambassador to Britain Barbara Woodward, who is the chairman of the Security Council for February, said the council would meet in Myanmar on Tuesday about the crisis. “We want to have as constructive discussion as possible and look at a series of measures,” she said, and she would not dismiss potential sanctions against the coup.

“We want to move towards respecting the democratic will of the people,” the ambassador told reporters.

In Washington, Mr. Biden’s statement explicitly suggested that the US government also consider banning the coup if the coup was not overturned, stating that the United States had, in the past decade, based on the progress of democracy in Burma Lifted the ban on.

But some officials, speaking on the background, as they were not authorized to speak to the press, said that even if Western sanctions were restored, their effects could be muted by China. Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei is building Myanmar’s 5G telecommunications network over the objections of the United States, and China has come to dominate the construction of dams, pipelines and energy projects.

On Monday, as a nation collapsed in shock on the military slope, old fears and survival tactics reemerged, unaffected but still within muscle memory. Individuals took off their National League for Democracy flag. He spoke in code.

Amid the coronovirus epidemic, the Minister of Health, who was appointed by the National League for Democracy, submitted his resignation “according to the evolving situation”. By the evening, the army started the National League for Democracy MPs from their residence in the capital, Napidov.

“We are concerned that the military will cast a progressively wider net in his arrest,” said Mr. Smith of Fortite Rights. “I’m afraid we’re seeing the first phase right now.”

On Facebook on Monday afternoon, Yoo Ko Koi, an alumni democracy activist who spent more than 17 years in prison, posted that he had so far evacuated Dragut who imprisoned fellow senior politicians.

But he took a family photo as a precaution. They said their goodbyes. His children did not know what was happening.

“I have to do what I have to do,” wrote Mr. Ko Ko Ji. “Let’s face tomorrow.”

David E. Sanger contributed reporting from Washington.

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