In some ways, however, it is at least in the customer’s worldview. As stated on several occasions, Mr. Trump has treated his entire public life – his chairmanship of course – as a chaotic and revealing reality show, and this period of postelection has been no different.
He will have no concern for his legal conduct, civil and political leaders, who have misunderstood his conduct. Benjamin Geffen, a staff attorney at the Public Interest Law Center, who is also involved in the ongoing Pennsylvania case against the Trump campaign, said it is about seeing not only the president but several other elected officials treating democracy.
Whatever grand strategy Mr. Trump has, Mr. Leavitt said, it appears less in litigation than in public relations. In an effort to allay public skepticism about Mr. Biden’s victory, the president’s overarching goal is not to dismiss as many claims as possible or be unfounded.
Even if it could fail to convince some unconvincing beliefs of Republican officials, legislators and electors to convince judges or take extraordinary measures on behalf of the president, it would at least promote a narrative that Mr. Trump is denied a rightful victory.
One of Mr. Trump’s attorneys, Sidney Powell, went so far as to claim this week that the president actually won the election “not by hundreds of thousands of votes, but by millions of votes”. However, he said that the votes cast for Mr. Trump had been transferred to Mr. Biden by a software program “expressly designed for that purpose.”
Ms. Powell also said that the CIA had previously ignored complaints about the software. He urged the president to shoot CIA director Gina Haspel.
As shown over the past four years, Mr. Trump’s style of anything has been emulated by his ministers, like Ms. Powell’s, and may prove brutally effective in some political and media settings. But it has its limits in more rigid and rule-oriented places like the court.